In Classical Armenian, the word kenats (կենաց) meant “life.” In later periods, it came to refer to “a wish for well-being offered during a toast” or “to empty a glass while wishing someone long life during a toast” (Jeredian, Donikian, Der Khatchadourian 1992, p. 999). The renowned lexicographer Eduard Aghayan defines the word kenats as “a benevolent wish proposed in honor of someone or something during a feast or banquet; a toast, a health” (Aghayan 1976, p. 176). Also noteworthy are the derived terms kenatsachar (toast speech), kenatsanvag (music following a toast), and kenatsapar (a dance performed after a toast), which respectively mean a blessing, music following a toast, and a post-toast dance (Aghayan 1976, p. 176).

One of the earliest written references to a toast possibly belongs to Faustus of Byzantium. Describing the Persian King Shapur’s admiration for Mushegh Mamikonian’s noble act of returning the women of the harem, the historian writes: “At that time, Mushegh had a white horse. And the Persian King Shapur, when he would take a goblet of wine in hand during moments of joy and feast with his army, would say, ‘Let the white horseman drink wine.’ And he had an image of Mushegh riding the white horse engraved on a goblet, which he would place before him during feasts and repeat, ‘Let the white horseman drink wine’” (Byzantium 1968, p. 233).

However, oral tradition contains examples that point to even older historical layers, according to which the very first toast was offered by Noah. When his sons attempted to drink the juice from the grapes he had planted, Noah forbade them, fearing it might be harmful. He drank it himself to test it, so that any harm would fall on him alone. Witnessing this self-sacrificial act, his sons said to him, “Let it be gentle” (anush lini), originally anuzh lini (powerless), which later evolved into anush lini (may it be sweet) (Gyulumyan G., Fieldwork Materials, 2012). This concept is echoed in a traditional toast exchange, where the drinker declares “Life!” (kendanutyun), and the addressee responds, “Sweet immortality!” (Harutyunyan et al., 2005, p. 285).

In the Christian era, wine became symbolically equated with the blood of Christ, regarded as a sacred drink. The person offering a toast and the recipient both believed that their blessing would be fulfilled (Akinian 1921, pp. 106–107).

Another ancient formulation of the toast appears repeatedly in the Armenian national epic “Sasna Tsrer” (Daredevils of Sassoun): “Bread and wine, may the Lord preserve us!” (Hatsn u ginin, Ter kendanin)—a phrase used by heroes before confronting enemies, functioning as both oath and wish (Sasuntsi Davit 1993, p. 268).

Wine and the toast appear inseparably linked: wine-drinking was not merely celebratory but embodied promise, oath, even a vow of vengeance. This is reflected in the song dedicated to Soghomon Tehlirian, where each quatrain describing Talat Pasha’s trial and execution concludes with the refrain:

Pour wine, dear friend, pour wine,

May it be sweet for the drinkers, sweet for the drinkers.

Here, wine and the toast merge into a vow of vengeance, particularly as the act is associated with Nemesis—the Greek goddess of retribution.

In the Armenian setting, a toast could not be offered arbitrarily. A toastmaster (tamada) was first selected—often the head of the household or an elder guest, whose own toast was proposed by the host:

“Tamada jan, may your toastmastership always be for such joyful tables” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 98).

In Artsakh, it was unacceptable for someone to offer a toast independently without permission from the tamada. Such an act was considered disrespectful, and the tamada could express offense publicly. Proper etiquette required that one first request permission from the tamada, who could either grant or deny the right to speak. Interrupting a toast—especially the tamada’s—was deemed a serious insult and could provoke conflict.

Armenian toasts exhibit fascinating variety. The first is typically dedicated to the meeting itself, known as the baré tésutyun (joyful encounter) toast, which effectively marks the opening of the banquet:

“Welcome, you have a place above our heads. Eat, drink, enjoy, and may the thorn in your foot be in my eye” (Gyulumyan G., Fieldwork Materials, 2012).

This was usually offered by the host to the guests, particularly honored individuals. Convention dictated that the recipient of a toast stand first and sit last, after everyone had emptied their cups.

As the banquet progressed, the toasts would evolve according to its context, encompassing all stages of life—birth, youth, marriage, parenthood, and death. These toasts, often grouped thematically, unfolded in a sequence reflecting key life events—whether joyous or tragic. For instance, toasts to newborns conveyed poetic blessings:

“May their path be long,” “May their hair be as white as an egg,” “May their beard turn to snow” (Gyulumyan G., Fieldwork Materials, 2016).

From Trabzon, we have beautiful wedding toasts:

“May you bloom and flourish, grow old on one pillow, and live to see your grandchildren and great-grandchildren blossom—don’t forget us” (Yalanuzyan 1981, p. 82).

“Be as a flower—always blooming; be as sugar—always sweet; learn from your elders, teach your young” (Yalanuzyan 1981, p. 82).

“Bloom like a rose, sing like a nightingale, remain youthful in spirit and loving in age” (Yalanuzyan 1981, p. 82).

“Blossom, form bouquets, become a fruitful tree” (Minasean 1988, p. 239).

Toasts directed at youth combined well-wishes and moral counsel, often presented through allegorical stories culminating in a succinct toast:

“Be well, be upright, may God prolong your journey, love one another—in the light and beneath it. Be respected and respectful on all sides” (Yalanuzyan 1981, p. 82).

Such toasts often transcended Armenia, spreading across the Soviet Union:

“To the youth of the Soviet country—let us toast the Komsomol army of millions of boys and girls” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 197).

“May all your endeavors succeed—may this toast be to your health and success!” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 197).

Many toasts were general and personal:

“To your humanity, may your dear health be toasted, with your family, your children” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 198).

Peace-themed toasts were ubiquitous on Armenian tables—particularly significant for a war-torn nation:

“Let us toast world peace, for it was the great Russian people who saved our Armenians from the Muslim bloodthirsty executioners. Our forefathers willed that we never let go of the Russian savior’s hem” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 199).

Yet peace toasts could also express aspirations for victory:

“Let there be peace in the world—but if there is war, let us be the victors, for we are in the right” (Gyulumyan G., Fieldwork Materials, 2018).

Toasts to national heroes who died for Armenian freedom are also common, transforming the toast into a form of remembrance, transmitting memory to future generations.

Armenian tables featured festival-related toasts as well—on New Year’s Day (“May the New Year bring new successes”), on Army Day, Women’s Day, Easter, and so on (Gyulumyan, Fieldwork Materials, 2012). Some toasts reflected philosophical and existential musings:

“Don’t forget death—it awaits us all. I wish we suffer no untimely losses, only timely ones” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 200).

“I hope that when your time comes, everyone will say, ‘God rest your soul; what a pity for such a good person’” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 200).

The final toast at a banquet was always for the household. It summarized the entire celebration and honored the host:

“To the hearth, health and blessings. May even greater feasts be held in this household” (Vardumyan 1969, p. 197).

Thus, the toast (kenats) is a central element of Armenian wine-drinking culture, combining wine, speech, and ritual. Its ancient roots reveal that it is not merely a festive formality but a cultural code of blessing, oath, and even obligation—transmitted across generations. Wine functions as the sacred fluid that seals the toast, while the tamada ensures that tradition is upheld and blessings are delivered properly.

For Armenians, the toast is not just a phonetic or graphic tradition—it is a living ritual that fuses history, language, and collective memory. By preserving its traditional rules while adapting them to modern life, we safeguard and pass on a vital layer of cultural identity.

References (in English)

Akinian, N. (1921). Five Wandering Ashughs: Minas the Scribe of Tokat. National Library, Vol. XLII. Vienna: Mekhitarist Press.

Aghayan, E. (1976). Explanatory Dictionary of Modern Armenian, Vol. 1. Yerevan: Hayastan Publishing House.

Faustus of Byzantium. (1968). History of the Armenians. Yerevan: Hayastan Publishing House.

Harutyunyan, S., Kalantaryan, A., Petrosyan, G., Sargsyan, G., Melkonyan, G., Hobosyan, S., Avetisyan, P., & Gasparyan, B. (2005). Wine in Armenian Traditional Culture. Yerevan: Center for Agribusiness and Rural Development; Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, NAS RA.

Cherefjian, G. (Archbishop), Donikian, K., & Ter Khachaturian, A. (1992). New Dictionary of the Armenian Language, Vol. 1. Beirut: K. Donikian & Sons Publishing House.

Minasyan, Kh. (1988). Village Speech and Expression (Peria Region). New Julfa: Printing House of the St. Savior Monastery.

The Daredevils of Sassoun: Collected Text. (1993). Compiled and edited by Grigor Grigoryan. Yerevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences Publishing House.

Vardumyan, B. (1969). The Village of Vagharshapat: Toasts. Archive of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Entry No. 2.

Yalanuzyan, A. (1981). Folktales, Stories, Songs, Proverbs, and Dictionary of Jhenik (Trabzon). Archive of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography.

Gyulumyan, G. (2012, 2016, 2018). Fieldwork Materials (DAN). Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, NAS RA.

 Gevorg Gyulumyan

Ashtarak is one of the important regions of Armenian winemaking culture, about which, along with numerous primary sources and researchers, significant data is also provided by the prominent writer, historian, and ethnographer Yervand Shahaziz in his book “History of Ashtarak” (Yerevan, “Hayastan” publ., 1987, 251 pages), and later supplemented by Gevorg Gevorgyan, whose manuscripts (HAI archive, Gevorgyan Gevorg, Ethnographic materials of Ashtarak, 1972, file 1, 99 pages) are kept in the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia.

Shahaziz began writing his work in 1908, completing it in 1934. In the study, which lasted more than a quarter of a century, giving a special place to the winemaking of the Ashtarak region, relying on earlier sources, Shahaziz comes from the depths of history and reaches the period in which he lived. Particularly noteworthy are the testimonies related to the winemaking culture of a relatively new period, especially since the author himself witnessed all this.

He writes that starting from the 18^th-19^th centuries, the grape growers of Ashtarak first harvested the grapes and exchanged them with the herders coming down from the Aragatsotn mountains, thus storing their winter supplies (oil, cheese, butter, etc.), after which they immediately started the grape harvest intended for wine.

The ethnographer notes that in the early period, the people of Ashtarak built their wine presses[1] right in the vineyards, thus living for two to three months of the year in temporary shelters made in the gardens. “…he, on the one hand, harvested the grapes, carried out with large milking pails the roof of the winepress, and poured right through the yerdik (roof opening) to the aragast (pressing floor), where they were pressed, and the muz (must) going like a stream, was poured into takars (large earthenware jars), on the other hand, the must be more or less settled in the takars, the clarified juice, or, as they say, kaghtsu, was carried with leshks (untanned calfskins), to his shiratun (wine cellar) and poured into karases (large earthenware jars, pitchers), on the third hand, the women have taken their share of kaghtsu, they cooked mat (a sweet grape preserve), they conserved and prepared shpot, dipped the rows of walnut, almond, melon seeds, made shudzhukh (churchkhela). There remained the remains of the grapes, the kncher (pomace), from which the Ashtarak resident used to distill oghi (fruit vodka) …” (Shahaziz 1987, 216).

After the beginning of the 20^th century (that is, the time when Shahaziz started to create his work), the people of Ashtarak no longer had wine presses in their gardens. Instead of the former wine presses, at that time they built three-walled, open-faced, light, temporary structures in the gardens – “dagans”, in which the gardeners in the gardens during the months of fruit and grape harvest sheltered from the rain. “…long ago the grapes are no longer pressed in the vineyards, but during the harvest, on the one hand, the grapes are harvested, and on the other hand, they are transported by horses, donkeys and carts to the village, where aragasts and takars are built in the houses, everywhere” (Shahaziz 1987, 218).

Those buildings were called hndzanabags, but Shahaziz finds it difficult to specify their structure. P. Proshyan describes the hndzanabag as follows: “It is a ruin, the surfaces of the square hewn stones along its approximate length are pitted in places by the eroding force of time. The archaeologist would date it to at least 700-800 years” (P. Proshyan, Tsetser, Tiflis, 1889, publ. M.D. Rotinyants, p. 48).

The writer-ethnographer presents with special luxury and colorful images the Ashtarak resident who “entered the house” after the grape harvest, already in winter, when his revelry began and “he put the new wine on the table, which had not even fermented and, one might say, was machar – “a tart, sweet and mild, cloudy kaghtsu, which has been in the process of fermenting, of becoming a real wine” (Shahaziz 1987, 219).

Agreeing with all the claims of the Ashtarak resident’s security, Shahaziz, however, opposes the wording “wine-drinking Ashtarak resident”, noting that, yes, a lot of wine is created in Ashtarak, but the people of Shirak and Pambak drink more Ashtarak wine and oghi than those who make them. “…he drank and drinks, his table was not without wine and oghi, but he drank in moderation, drunkenness has always been an unfamiliar passion to the Ashtarak resident.” … The old Ashtarak resident liked to be happy, to have fun, but those “entertainments never had a hooligan character” (Shahaziz 1987, 220).

G. Gevorgyan writes about the wine-making culture of Ashtarak in more detail and vividly. He writes that the karases in Ashtarak were washed with water, then the inner walls were smeared with melted fat, after which they were filled with must, which had to be filled to a special extent, because in case of filling it completely, the karascould burst during fermentation. In order to avoid all this and to be safe, people placed the karases on cemented aragasts, thanks to which, in case of breaking the karas, the must would not be absorbed into the soil, but would flow and fill the takar.

Gevorgyan writes that after gaining the possibility of using sulfur, Ashtarak winemakers disinfected the barrels more easily. They burned sulfur-coated papers in an empty barrel, which perfectly cleaned it of all the bacteria and fungi that could remain and spoil the wine. “After filling the karases with must, after a few days it starts to boil, producing carbon dioxide gas, so if the number of karases is large, it is terrible to enter the cellar at that moment, a person can be suffocated by the gas. There have been cases when a person has suffocated while removing the knjir (pomace) from the takar” (Gevorgyan 1972, 70).

About a month later, it is necessary to “krtel” the wine, which means to separate the dirt (lees) from the clear wine. This is also an important and interesting operation, which the ethnographer presents in full detail and mentions the dialect names of all the tools used in the whole process (aragast, takar, gup, tik, karas, abigardan, jujum (a measure equal to half a bucket), parch, kereghan (for drinking)).

It was necessary to insert the long stick into the barrel, to understand how much part is sediment, how much part is clear wine, then to remove the clear wine with the abigardan and pour it into another, already cleaned and prepared karas. “Later, when the barrel entered use in Ashtarak, the siphon, a rubber tube, also entered use with it, since the abigardan would not fit into the barrel, then, when they measured the amount of sediment in the karas or the barrel full of wine, one end of the rubber tube was tied to the measuring stick from where the wine and sediment separate from each other, then the stick was lowered into the karas or barrel with the tube, the wine was drawn by mouth from one end of the tube, and when the wine started to flow, they put it into an empty karas or barrel, the pure wine was transferred to an empty barrel or karas. In this way, the barrel was filled to the top and the mouth was closed with a wooden stopper, sulfur powder was poured around the stopper… to protect it from vinegar flies” (Gevorgyan 1972, 70).

It is also noteworthy that the Ashtarakians strictly forbade placing cheese, pickles, kerosene or dried spices near the wine karas or barrel, because wine is sensitive to smells and tastes and can absorb them. “…imagine that you are drinking wine and smell kerosene” (Gevorgyan 1972, 71). G. Gevorgyan also refers to the famous grape variety “Kharji” and notes the history of obtaining a “Sherry” type wine from it. “An Ashtarakian noticed early on that a membrane had formed on the surface of the wine in his karas, he thought that the wine had gone bad, but when he drank it, he saw that it was tastier and more aromatic, not realizing that this membrane on the surface of the karas was nothing other than a sherry fungus. … The first study of this fungus was conducted by the winemaker Afrikyan, who visited Ashtarak. She found it better than Spanish sherry, and thanks to the Soviets, a winery was built in Ashtarak. It was thanks to the winery that at the 1970 international wine tasting [the wine] won first place in the world, receiving a gold medal” (Gevorgyan 1972, 71-72

[1] On the wine press culture of the Ashtarak region, see G.S. Tumanyan, Wine Press Culture in Armenia, Yerevan, “Zangak-97”, pp. 31-32, 40, 44, 50-54; H.L. Petrosyan, S.G. Hobosyan, H.P. Hakobyan, Medieval Wine Presses of Ashtarak, Yerevan, 1989, 90-92; E.N. Hakobyan, The Architecture of the Folk Dwelling of the Ashtarak Region, Yerevan, pp. 34-39.

Gevorg Gyulumyan

National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia

Institute Archaeology and Ethnography

In the Ancient Near East, pithos of various sizes and capacities were widely used in multiple sectors of the economy. In Egypt, Assyria, the Hittite, and Urartian kingdoms, grain and different agricultural products, especially wine, beer, and oils, were stored in jars. Thousands of potteries were discovered during excavations in Van, Argishtikhinili, Erebuni, Ayanis, Toprak-Kale, Teishebaini, and pre-Hellenistic Artaxata.

Among the archaeological discoveries made in Karmir Bloor, 8 wine cellars founded in the 50s of the last century are very important for studying the economy of the Van kingdom. They contained more than 400 massive clay vessels.[1].

A significant amount of karas, partly from Karmirblur, marked with wedge-shaped or hieroglyphic digital marks, was also found in other Urartian monuments: more than 100 karases were found in the Erebuni[2] cellars, more than 70 in Altyn-Tepe[3], 68 in one of the wine cellars of the western fortress of Argishtikhinili[4], in Ayanis, Adldzhevaz, etc. The largest and good preserved were cellars N 25 and N 28 in Teishebaini, excavated in the 1950s, which contained 82 and 70 karases[5]. All karases are identical in form, but differ in size, which is indicated by the wedge-shaped or hieroglyphic markings in the Urartian measures of liquid volume, “akarki” and “terusi”. Published by B. B. Piotrovsky[6], these inscriptions had a broad variation: from 1 akarki 4½ terusi up to 5 akarki 5 terusi. Cuneiform and hieroglyphic signs were used in parallel, with cuneiform initially written in full, and later in the form of abbreviations of letters.

According to a number of researchers, the pithos discovered in Karmir-Blur were in different workshops, and most likely, they were made by 8 or more masters in Teyshebaini.[7] This proves that the national standardization system was implemented in the cities, which made the economy of the state manageable and accountable, which contributed to its progress.

Comprehensive metrological studies of karases of various capacities, discovered from several archaeological sites, show that they were made according to pre-fixed, standardized sizes. Standardization of ceramic ware by state decree of its main linear dimensions known in the ancient world. This is how the government achieved the unification of container volumes both for storing stocks of products and for their transportation and sale. As is evident from the Thasian decree of the second half of the 5th century BC, the standardization of the production of Thasian pithos to achieve uniformity and volumes was strictly regulated by the state by decreeing the sizes in units of length measures—dactyls (fingers)[8]. The red-glazed, spherical, three-leafed rimmed jugs with one handle (Oinochoia), found in several Urartian archaeological sites, also meet the standards. They were intended for serving wine and are almost identical in size. Thus, there is reason to believe that the origins of standardization of ancient pottery production originated in the Ancient Near East.

It is known that in the case of a reduction in the size of ceramics of different groups as a result of drying and firing, it is on average 8–12%. Probably, the potter was given two different sizes: a preliminary one, which the master had to use as a guide when forming the product, and a final one, to which the final dimensions of the product had to correspond. Moreover, it was impossible to produce pithos of such volumes in ideal standard sizes, and it was obvious that karases needed to be labeled with an indication of their capacity. Hieroglyphic and cuneiform inscriptions were made only after the jars were fired, transferred to the cellar, and filled with wine[9][10]. This is also evidenced by the fact that the inscriptions on the karases were carved into vessels that were already half buried in the ground so that they would be visible when walking through the depths of the wine cellar[11]. It should be noted that the dimensions of the jugs are indicated three times, the difference between which reaches several terusi.

According to B. Piotrovsky, 1 “akarki” was equal to 250 liters, and “terusi” was equal to ⅒ of “akarki”. Marking of the capacity on the karasakh is slightly different from each other. Probably, 1 “akarki” was divided into 10 “terusi”, based on the hypothesis that the Urartian number system was based on the decimal system[12]. Brashinsky believed that the simplest solution to the problem was metrological calculations since any measurement of volume is based on cubic units of some basic measure of length[13] (for example, the Phoenician kor is the volume of three cubic cubits, the Urartian cubit /53.1 cm/).

The cellars of Karmir Blur contained about 400,000 liters of wine /1,500 akarki/, which is a very impressive figure by the standards of the ancient world. The cellars of the monument surpass all the wine cellars of the Urartian period excavated to date, even near Manazkert, in an inscription erected by Menua, where a wine warehouse with 900 “akarki” is mentioned.

The fact of state standardization of pottery production in the Kingdom of Van is of great interest, especially in the context of studying the origins of standardization in general and its influence on the development of subsequent civilizations.

[1] B. B. Piotrovskiu, Kingdom of Van, М., 1959, pp. 145—147; same author, City of God Teisheba, С А, 1959, No 2, p. 172.

[2] Demskaya D., Erebuni Storerooms, “Communication of the A.S. Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts”, issue IV, 1968, 176-182.

[3] Özgüç, T., Altintepe II, Ankara, 1969.

[4] A. A. Martirosyan, Excavations of Argishtikhinili, SA, 1967, No. 4, p. 228; cf. also, On the socio-economic structure of the city of Argishtikhinili, SA, 1972, No. 3, p. 46.

[5] B. B. Piotrovsky, Karmir-blur, II, Yerevan, 1952, pp. 16-40.

[6] B.B. Piotrovsky, Wedge-shaped Urartian inscriptions from excavations at Karmir-blur in 1954, – “Epigraphy of the East”, XI, 1956, p. 81

[7] Ghasabyan Z. “Historical and Philological Journal”, 1959, No. 4, p. 213.

[8] I. Brashiisky, Methodology for studying standards of ancient Greek ceramic containers, S. A., 1976, No. 3,

[9] Ghazabyan 1959, 215.

[10] B. B. Piotrovsky, Karmir-blur, III, p. 23.

[11] B. B. Piotrovsky, Karmir-blur, II, p. 65.

[12] M. A. Israelyan. Clarifications on the reading of Urartian inscriptions, I. On the Urartian number system, “Ancient East”, 2, p. 116.

[13] I. B. Brashiisky, Urartian karases, “Historical and Philological Journal”, Yerevan 1978, p. 152.

It is known that winemaking and viticulture occupied a special place in the material and spiritual culture of the Hellenistic world, where creativity associated with wine is limitless. The influence of this culture, emphasized by local form, is also noticeable in Armenia.

Wine as a commercial commodity was made in ancient Armenia in large quantities and exported to the global markets. It is not incidental that wine from the “land of Armens” was in great demand during Herodotus’s times. He tells us that merchants transported red wine made in Armenia in karases (pithoi) down the rivers Euphrates and Tigris to Babylon. According to Strabo, there were fertile valleys in Armenia: Araks and Utik[1]. In the 4th century CE, the demand for Armenian wines was so high that the city of Vagharshapat became a center of the wine trade, as evidenced by the “Babylonian Gemara”[2].

Several important international trade transit routes passed through Armenia, both from China, Central Asia, and Northern India to the West, from the south to Mesopotamia, Syria, to the north, and the coasts of the Black and Azov Seas. The cities of Armenia were mainly located on strategic trade routes and took an active part in this trade with their products.

Utensils for preserving and using wine are of great interest: clay karases of varying sizes, pitchers, goblets, rhytons, and ritual and utility items of bronze, silverware, and glassware were all discovered during excavations at various sites. Below we will consider some of them.

Thanks to archaeological research in Garni, Armavir, Artashat, and Sisian, it became possible to get acquainted with the toreutics of ancient Armenia. Armenia is one of the oldest cradles of metalworking, therefore artistic metalworking has been known since centuries immemorial. In this context the princely tomb excavated near the city of Sisian in the 1970s is remarkable. Without going deep in detail about the significance of the tomb within the study of the culture of Classical Armenia, we will note that, along with several objects, three silver bowls were discovered here, intended, for serving wine. The bowls differ little from each other in size. The rims of the vessels widen inward and become rounded. One of the bowls is distinguished by its luxurious decoration, and its surface is divided into eight equal parts, the first four of which are decorated with decorative flutes, and the remaining four with pointed, elongated leaves, probably Sagittaria and stylized grape vines. Similar hemispherical bowls, considered Hellenistic, were found in Avshan in southwestern Armenia[3]. Bowls of this type were used in sacred ceremonies dedicated to the gods. Of particular note is the silver bowl found in the tomb, which, instead of plant-geometric images, has a unique Aramaic inscription. From the inscription it becomes clear that one of the princes of Syunik was buried in the tomb, probably Pitiakhsh[4] (governor of the province), the name has been preserved, as well as additional information about the units of weight of ancient Armenia. “This cup belongs to Araxszat, the weight of the silver is 100 drachmas.” The Aramaic inscription in its written form is related to the Aramaic traditions of Northern Mesopotamia[5]. The appearance of such a font in Armenia occurred in the 1st century BC during the reign of Tigran II. The same style of writing is used in Aramaic inscriptions on a glass spoon and a lapis lazuli plate discovered on the first hill of Artashat, which date back to the 1st century BC[6][7]. According to researchers, the name Araxszat mentioned in the inscription on the bowl is the name of the cup’s owner, which is encountered for the first time. The materials of the tomb in Sisian once again testify that one of the four military leaders, in the eastern part, was the prince of Syunik. The name Araxszat is translated as “born under the protection of the gods.”

The next evidence related to wine is known from excavations in the capital of Artashat – these are exclusive gold earrings depicting women’s faces. The earrings were discovered in the 1980s during excavations of a rock-cut tomb on top of a hill called “Golden Hill,” located in the northwestern part of the city. These are earrings depicting Maenads. It is known that Maenads were companions and admirers of Dionysus, the god of viticulture and winemaking in Greek mythology. Dionysus often appears surrounded by a jubilant crowd of Maenads and Satyrs. Around him, singing and shouting, dancing, young Maenads circle, tailed and goat-legged Satyrs jump, drunk with wine. The retinue ends with the old man Silenus, the wise teacher of Dionysus, who is very drunk. He sits on a donkey, leaning on a wineskin placed close to him.

Among the dozens of clay figurines found in Artashat, the figurine depicting a seated old man deserves special attention. Round head, bearded face, dense figure with pronounced muscles on the chest and stomach. With his right hand, he was hugging some object, perhaps a vessel or a wineskin. All this conveys the characteristic image of Silenus, who in Greek mythology is considered the mentor and teacher of Dionysus. Here, it is also necessary to mention the preserved head of a small clay statuette (height 5 cm), accidentally found in the city of Vagharshapat, depicting Dionysus. The statutes are exhibited in the History Museum of Armenia. A very interesting clay jug with the image of Dionysus is exhibited in the Shirak local history museum, it was discovered during the excavation in Benjamin and dates back to the 1st century AD. Here the deity is presented in a very interesting form: his face and hands were plastered to the inner side of the pitcher immediately after its manufacture, creating the impression that Dionysus is trying to get out of the vessel.

It is noteworthy that the historian of the 10th century Tovma Artsruni mentioned the sanctuary of Dionysus, built by King Artashes I in the province of Pokr Agbak of the principality of Korchayk of Greater Armenia[8]. Artashes I attached great importance to the development of horticulture and viticulture[9]. He planted “groves of lush trees, vineyards and various fruits” in the southern suburbs of the city of Van[10].

Of interest are three bear-shaped vessels found in Armenia, one of which was excavated in the Vayots Dzor region and the other two in different areas of the capital Artashat. The zoomorphic vessel from Vayots Dzor is similar to the vessel found in the room of the crafts quarter on the 8th hill of Artashat, with some differences in size and decor. The vessels are associated with the serving of wine and date back to the 1st-2nd centuries AD.

Excavations of monuments of the classical period of Armenia – Armavir, Garni, Artashat, and other places – testify to the great influence of the ancient period and, in particular, the Hellenistic world from the 2nd century BC to the 2nd century AD on Armenian culture.

Thus, in the countries covered by Hellenistic cultural circles, including Armenia, several cultural communities emerged that were not so much borrowings as the fact of the existence of a certain common artistic atmosphere that formed a unique region that existed throughout the Hellenistic East.

[1] Strabo 1964, II, I, 14.

[2] Gasparyan B., Vine and Wine, Yerevan 2005, p. 145.

[3] Mithcell St., Asvan Kale, Anatolian studies, vol. XXIII, 1973, fg. 23, 3

[4]  Khachatryan Zh., The Tomb of Sisian, NAS RA “Gitutyun” publishing house, Yerevan, 2009.

[5] Perikhanyan A., Aramaic inscription on a silver bowl from Sisian, IFJ 1971, N3, p. 78-81.

[6] Khachatryan Zh.D., Glassmaking in Ancient Armenia, IFZ, 1971, N3, pp. 78-81.

[7] B. N. Arakelian, Artashat I, Main results of excavations 1970-1977, Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1982.

[8] Tovma Artsruni, 1985, I, 8, 91.

[9] Palandjyan R., Archaeological finds related to winemaking in Ancient Armenia from Vayots Dzor, IAE, Yerevan 2023.

[10] Tovma Artsruni, 1985, I,7, 8, 85, 87-89.

Among the historical and cultural achievements of the ancient Ecumene are several trade items: coins, seals intended for important states, and commercial documents—bullae, which depicted various scenes related to viticulture and winemaking. The influence of this tradition is also visible in Armenia.

The excavations of ancient Artashat, which began in the 1970s, revealed the city’s significant role in the ancient world and shed new light on the material and spiritual culture of ancient Armenia. Of particular value in revealing a number of important socio-economic problems of antiquity are the three city archives[1] found, in which important documents were sealed, as well as monetary inventions—coins.

As one of the region’s most important centers of viticulture and winemaking, Armenia was located at the crossroads of major trade routes. As evidenced by archaeological research of the last decade. The series of bullae from the first archive of Artashat, related to wine, are unique. On the obverse of some bullae, a narrow vessel is depicted, probably an amphora, placed between two bunches of grapes and a star at the top, on others – grape leaves, depicting a grapevine, as well as individual images of amphorae and vessels. The amphora and grapevines undoubtedly testify to the active trade in wine in ancient Armenia.

The heyday of ancient Armenia was primarily due to transit trade. Capitals levied double duty on goods both for export and import. Rich cities of the ancient world, such as Seleucia on the Tigris, Antioch, Rhodes, Ephesus, Corinth, Delos, etc., also lived off international transit trade.

In addition to seals, a bunch of grapes can also be seen on coins. Similar to the above-mentioned seals are the Seleucid coins of Myrina, on the reverse of which an amphora with grape branches and leaves is depicted under the feet of Zeus[2]. On the coins of the Greco-Roman period of Tarsus, amphoras can also be seen lying on their sides[3]. The type of image of a bunch of grapes on the coins found in Sol is very close to the above-mentioned type of image of Artashat[4]. In Phrygia, on the coins of Dionysuspolis (2nd-1st centuries BC), on the obverse is minted a mask of Silenus, and on the reverse – a grape leaf[5], which we also see on the gem kept in the Louvre[6].

Of particular note are several numerous coins from the Artashes Mint, on the reverse of which a bunch of grapes is depicted. They are known both from private collections and from archaeological finds. Some researchers believe that the coins belong to Artashes I, while others are inclined to attribute them to Artashes II. Coins issued by Tigran II are also known, on the reverse of which a grapevine is found[7].

In general, in Asia Minor, frequent images of grape bunches and leaves are associated with the cult of Dionysus[8], viticulture, and wine export, which once again proves the importance of the wine trade in Armenia. Several Armenian[9] and Greek[10] historians mention the high-quality wines of Armenia.

Armenia has exported wine at various historical periods of its existence. It is no coincidence that Armenian coins, which had the king on the obverse, had a grapevine on the reverse as the country’s most important

[1] Хачатрян Ж., Неверов О., Архивы столицы древней Армении – Арташата, Археологические памятники Армении, Ереван 2008.

[2] Хачатрян , Неверов, 2008.

[3] Goldmen H., Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus. The Hellenistic and Roman periods, Princeton, New-Jersey, 1950, vol. I, text, p. 403, pl. 276, plan 19, pl. 118, fig. 86.

[4] Cox D.H., A Tarsus coin collection in the Adana Museum, New York, 1941, pl. VI, 129-132.

[5] H. von Aulock, Munzen und Stadte Phrygiens . Teil II, IM, Beiheft 27, Ernst Wasmuth Verlag Tubingen, 1987, p. 52, Taf. 1, 2, 2.

[6] Walter H. B., Catalogue of the engraved gems, N 394.

[7] Gasparyan B., Wine in Traditional Armenian Culture, Yerevan, 2005.

[8] Хачатрян , Неверов, 2008, 88.

[9] Мовсес Хоренаци, История Армении (пер. с древнеармянского языка, введение, прим. Г. Саркисяна), Ереван, 1990, I, 16, II, 12.       

[10] Ксенофонт, Анабасис (перевод, стстья и примечания-М.И> Максимовойк). М.-Л., 1951, IV, II, 22, IV, 9; Страбон , II, I, 14, XI, VII, 2, CV, I, 58.